Contested term ‘Islamophobia’ risks censoring academic freedom

The Government has been encouraged to pledge its support for the definition. However, it is not without fault

With the suspension of former Tory deputy party chairman Lee Anderson from the Conservative Party, Islamophobia has once again been thrust into the spotlight – including the definition of it produced by the All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) on British Muslims.
The UK Government has been encouraged to pledge its support for the definition, which has been adopted by several political parties, including the Scottish Conservatives. However, it is not without fault.
The definition contains provisions which have the potential to suppress academic freedom. One example of Islamophobia provided in this definition is: “Accusing Muslim citizens of being more loyal to the Ummah (transnational Muslim community) or their countries of origin, or to the alleged priorities of Muslims worldwide, than to the interests of their own nations”.
This is a poorly designed provision. British academics should be free to explore matters of identity formation in all religious communities and the degree to which citizens – from different walks of life – are emotionally connected to the UK as well as other countries. This is a critical element of understanding modern Britain from a social cohesion perspective. 
It is worth noting that a Savanta-ComRes poll of British Muslims in the build-up to the 2019 general election, found that more than two in five respondents believed that their co-religionists in Britain tended to be more loyal to Saudi Arabia (which includes the holy sites of the Masjid al-Hara [including the al-Ka’ba al-Musharrafa] in Makkah and the Al-Masjid an-Nabawi in Madinah) than to the UK. Surely one wouldn’t argue that these British Muslim respondents are guilty of Islamophobia?
Rows over this definition first emerged in 2019 when a report by the APPG recommended it. The Government was criticized for failing to adopt it, while the Lib Dems and Labour did. A report in 2021 by a former equality and human rights commissioner found claims of “institutional racism” in the Conservative Party were not borne out, though there was evidence of discrimination and anti-Muslim views on a local association and individual level.
However, while supporters of the APPG’s definition such as Baroness Warsi (no stranger to controversy herself) have pointed to the comprehensive public consultation behind it, “community consultation participants” included the likes of Dr Chris Allen – who stepped down from leading a review into the Leicester riots. 
It also involved Jared O’Mara – the former MP for Sheffield Hallam who was recently sentenced to four years in prison after being found guilty of six counts of fraud by false representation. The scale of the Muslim Council of Britain’s involvement in the formulation of the definition can be called into question – especially due to its historic positioning on the Ahmadiyya community (a sect which identifies as Muslim but the MCB does not represent.)
The community is hugely involved in mainstream civic activities such as the Poppy Appeal.
What would make for a tighter definition is including clearly-framed examples of anti-Muslim prejudice which have come to the fore in recent times, such as collectively holding British Muslims to account for the actions of Islamist terrorist organisations and theocratic regimes in the so-called Muslim world. 
A key part of it should be challenging persistent forms of anti-Muslim prejudice in the labour market and private rented sector – quality of employment and housing are, after all, integral parts of general well-being. Peddling unfounded conspiracy theories about a Muslim politician being in the “pockets of Islamists” very much falls into anti-Muslim territory – and especially odd if the politician in question indulges in LGBTQIA+ activism and opposes the BDS movement.
The UK Government is right to have reservations over the current Islamophobia definition – but there is an opportunity to atone for its own share of scandals by establishing a solid definition of anti-Muslim prejudice which blends Britain’s anti-discrimination traditions with its long-standing commitment to intellectual openness. In doing so, it will help itself build ties with some of the most authentically traditional but Tory-sceptic voters in the country.